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January 16, 2004

French law not new

Letters

Editor: Your editorial entitled "Don't ban uniqueness" (Bulletin, Jan. 2) criticizes the French government's recent ban on the wearing of religious symbols, such as Muslim scarfs, kippot and crucifixes, in the country's public school system. It concludes with the condemnatory statement that: "It is a lurch backward toward a homogeneous, conforming, ethnic-based ideal that European and North American societies should have advanced beyond." The editorial gives expression to an unfortunately widespread misunderstanding of the purpose of that ban.

In reality, there is nothing radically new in President Chirac's support for it: The ban merely gives renewed force to a practice dictated a century ago by the strict separation of religion and state, won in consequence of a protracted struggle, which saw governments of the Third Republic (1870-1940) fight the Catholic Church for control over public education. As a corollary of the separation of church and state, France got what the church reviled as "School without God" (l'ecole sans Dieu); a strictly secular public school system, which educated children in the spirit of respect for moral principles of universal validity and for the ideals and democratic values of the republic, as against the institutions of the monarchy, after which the church and the extreme-right hankered. Not surprisingly, Petain's Vichy regime endeavored to reinstate the preponderance of the Catholic Church in the schools.

Although no religious symbols were to be displayed in schools, the Republic was not anti-religious. It decreed that religion was a matter of individual conscience. It instituted a mid-week day off from school (which in my childhood was Thursday) to enable churches to hold religious classes for children whose parents wished that for them. Furthermore, parents who desire their children to receive a fully religious education have always sent their children to non-government "free schools" (écoles libres), most of which are religious in character.

Orthodox Jews send their children to Jewish "free schools," in which boys wear kippot and there are no classes on Saturdays. Most Jews, however, send their children to public schools, in the awareness that they have to be in class on Saturdays and are not allowed to sport kippot. Anxious as they were to integrate into French society, the many thousands of Jews who immigrated to France from eastern Europe and North Africa over the 20th century accepted this situation.

The strict secularism of the French public school system is not the manifestation of a "19th-century nationalistic concept of citizenship." There never was a single concept of citizenship in the 19th century in any case: there was ethnic nationalism (on the German model), messianic nationalism (on the models of Poland and religious Zionism, for example) and civic nationalism, on the French or American model. The French Republic proclaimed, besides the universalistic values of "liberty, equality and brotherhood," the indivisibility of the republic. All who were born or naturalized were regarded as French citizens, regardless of their ethnic origins or religious affiliation.

Why then all the fuss about the reiteration of a law that has been in existence for a century? France is overwhelmed with millions of Muslim immigrants, many of whom refuse to assimilate in the way past immigrants did. Some of them are manipulated and intimidated by militant Islamists, who seek to subvert the democratic institutions of France and even work towards establishing the supremacy of Islam in France and Europe. There is plenty of money available, from Saudi and other sources, to establish Muslim "free schools"; instead, Muslim families are known to have been offered payment if their daughters provocatively wear the Muslim headscarf in public schools. That is the danger in France, not the supposed "lurch backward" to a supposedly "ethnic-based ideal" in the conclusion of your editorial.

Rene Goldman
Summerland, B.C.

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