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Dec. 8, 2006

Hillel hosts Ehud Barak

Israel is still strong, says its former leader.
KATHARINE HAMER EDITOR

According to its former prime minister, Israel, though it has recently faced one of the more challenging times in its short history, has lost none of its staying power.

If anything, said Ehud Barak, who led the country from 1999-2001, there is "a ray of light, even with the bad news. It is the vibrancy of our society and the resilience of our economy." Barak told a capacity crowd gathered at Schara Tzedeck Sunday night for a presentation organized by Hillel Vancouver that part of the reason for Israel's remaining unbowed was, "our real secret weapon ... the solidarity with Jews within the mishpachah [family] all around the world."

In a wide-ranging speech, Barak reflected on ways that Israel might best have handled this past summer's conflict with Hamas and Hezbollah, expounded upon Middle Eastern affairs and expressed his deep fondness for Hillel – an organization he first joined more than 30 years ago, while a graduate student at Stanford University. It was members of that university's Hillel House, he noted, who took care of his wife and infant daughter when he returned to Israel to fight in the Yom Kippur War. He encouraged members of the audience to contribute to Hillel Vancouver's capital campaign. The organization is still seeking donations of more than $5 million to construct new facilities at the University of British Columbia.

Barak was responsible for Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000, following 18 years of occupation. It's a decision, he said, he would not have changed, even in hindsight.

"It is only because I ordered the pullout from Lebanon to the last square inch [that] Israel could have fought, responded in this way, and occupied the moral high ground in the world and the support of the UN Security Council and the G8 or even the support of certain Arabs," he said. "If we were still inside Lebanon – I don't mention the cost in human lives and in financial and so on – but we would have experienced a much faster improvement in the Hezbollah.

"What [has] happen[ed] since only convinced me even stronger that we had to pull out. In fact, we put an end to a tragedy that was there for 18 years and cost the life of thousands of Israelis [and] many Lebanese, with no real profound reason, because this security zone that we had for the last 15 years could never block Katyushas from coming to Israel. The range of the rockets is three times the width of the security zone. By our very presence in Lebanon, we legitimized the effort of Hezbollah emerging as a major power within Lebanon. So maybe this was the right step, probably 15 years too late."

Barak was less certain about the potential return of the Israel Defence Forces soldiers kidnapped in the summer. "I hope the soldier in the south [Gilad Shalit, who was taken from his post near the Kerem Shalom crossing at the Gaza Strip in June] will be brought back in the coming few weeks, but I'm not sure that it will happen," Barak told the Independent. "It seems that it's very clear that he's alive, that he's in good shape, that he's in the hands of certain terrorist organizations, but probably the Palestinian Authority and the government can have enough influence to order at a certain point his being brought back. We have no, even sign of life, from the other two [reservists Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev] in the north. And we think that it should be a precondition [for negotiations] ... they should let the Red Cross go in to verify that they are alive and in good health, it could be [they're] in bad hands but in good condition – but it should be a condition before any kind of serious negotiations can begin."

In what appeared to be a thinly veiled critique of the way the summer's military campaign was enacted, Barak asserted that the IDF was still one of the world's best fighting forces, "but like any other force, should be prepared. I'm a great fan of classical music and listen to the best symphonic orchestras on Earth. You cannot take even the best one of them and meet them in the morning and tell them, you know, this evening, you begin to perform the Nibelungen Ring of Wagner, this series of four operas, each one four to five hours. In order to perform it, even the best orchestra should prepare it.

"After five years of policing the West Bank and Gaza, an army should have a certain period, probably several days or several weeks ... before it jumps into such a war," he continued. "We need to stretch the intervals between wars, but once we decide to go to war – and no war in our history was more justifiable than this one – we have to make sure that it will be decided in an unquestionable way, immediately, with minimal suffering to the homefront and in a way that we cause the other side to lose its appetite for wars for years to come. Somehow, we did not come to grips with these basic principles during this last campaign."

Barak himself spent 35 years in the IDF, eventually reaching the highest rank of rav aluf and serving as chief of staff. He remains the most highly decorated officer in Israeli military history.

It was during Barak's tenure as prime minister that he, then-Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and former United States president Bill Clinton met at Camp David to try and broker a Mideast peace agreement. The attempt was not successful - an outcome Barak blames entirely on Arafat.

"I ended up, at Camp David, having to say that it's time to call a spade a spade," he reflected. "If it looks like a terrorist, it walks like a terrorist, it quacks like a terrorist, probably he is one."

Outside the synagogue on Sunday night, around two dozen protesters from the Canada Palestine Association, Palestine Community Centre and Jews for a Just Peace held up candles and placards labelling Barak a war criminal.

"If Mr. Barak and others had lived up to the stipulations of the Oslo agreement, we would be in a very different place than we are today," said Stephen Aberle of Jews for a Just Peace.

"I know that there were some operations in which he was involved early on in his career that involved murder – [the] assassination of various Palestinian leaders. I would say that more important than that were his actions when he was the prime minister of Israel. During the Oslo peace process, as a consequence of that process, settlement construction in the occupied territories was supposed to end and withdrawal from various autonomous Palestinian areas was supposed to be accomplished and instead we saw an acceleration of settlement construction and we also saw devastating military incursions against the Palestinian population – tanks, helicopter gunship attacks, the practice of targeted killings of Palestinians, along with whom, innocent civilians who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time were killed. I count all of those as war crimes and he was in charge. It was his government and his policies and I hold him accountable for that."

Aberle said he was "prepared to respect the opinions of those folks [Hillel students, with Israeli flags, showing their support for Barak outside the synagogue] across there, as I hope they will respect mine. Let's talk about our political differences as human beings. Let's talk with each other within the Jewish community and let's talk with our Palestinian brothers and sisters as human beings with respect and dignity."

Barak strongly refuted the protestors' allegations.

"I respect their right to protest," he said, "and we [are better off] living in places where people can protest against visiting speakers, rather than neighborhoods like most of the places they came from, where no one would have dared to make such criticism of a foreigner. Unfortunately, the opposite is true. Maybe these guys are not aware of it, but at Camp David, six-and-a-half years ago, I put together, with President Clinton, for the first time in the history of the conflict, an offer on the table, by which, in exchange for [the] end of [the] conflict and certain consideration for [the] Israeli security situation and our affiliation to our birthplace, the Palestinians could get a Palestinian, independent state, contiguous over 100 per cent of the Gaza Strip and 90-plus per cent of the West Bank, with right of return into the Palestinian state, of course, not into Israel, and even certain Arab, heavily populated neighborhoods in eastern Jerusalem as part of their Palestinian capital.

"And Mr. Arafat, on behalf of the Palestianian people, was unready to accept this offer, even as a basis for negotiations, and deliberately and consciously turned to terror. That's why whenever anyone – an Arab leader, spokesman or protester – tells me it's all about occupation, occupation, occupation, I tell them, no. It's about terror. If it were about occupation, we could have already put it behind us years ago and could be well into the implementation of a peace agreement. Unfortunately, what I've found is that Mr. Arafat was not about correcting '67 (end the occupation) but '47 and the very establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. I can tell you very bluntly, we will never, ever, yield to terror, period. Yielding to terrorists is like feeding crocodiles – they just want more."

Like much of Israel's current leadership, Barak perceives Iran as a major potential threat. Israel, he said, "is a microcosm for world terror, nuclear proliferation and rogue regimes. It's the tip of the iceberg – what happens to Israel is a much wider phenomenon."

Living in Israel, he said, "is like living in the villa in the jungle. You can enjoy the Jacuzzi in the villa, but you cannot dare to forget for a moment that the jungle is outside the door. It is a neighborhood where there is no mercy for the weak and no second opportunities for those who cannot defend themselves and we should realize that peace agreements, even when they will come, will be achieved only from a position of strength and self-confidence on behalf of Israel. They will be based on an Arab realization that nothing could be extracted from Israel against its will, neither through the direct use of force, through diplomatic tricks or through attempts at [outsmarting] us. Israel is fully aware of its vital interests and ready to fight for them.

"I hope that [peace] will take three years, but maybe it will take 50. We prayed for too many years to come back to Israel to try to think that if something is not solved within three years, six years or 15 years, it is over."

Barak ended his speech by offering a prayer. "Hashem oz l'amo yiten," he intoned, "Hashem y'varech et amo v'shalom – May the Lord give his people courage, may the Lord bless his people with peace."

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