The left in Vancouver came roaring back to life last Saturday, April 5. In the civic by-election to replace two city councilors, Sean Orr, candidate of the far-left Coalition of Progressive Electors, topped the polls, with Lucy Maloney of the left-leaning OneCity coming second.
The two candidates of Mayor Ken Sim’s ABC slate finished far back. ABC candidate and Jewish community member Jaime Stein, who was bombarded with extreme antisemitic hate on social media during the campaign, came sixth, with 9,267 votes. His running mate, Ralph Kaisers, came seventh with 8,915. By contrast, Orr took 34,448 and Maloney 33,732 (all numbers are unofficial election night results).
The first results were not reported for three hours after polls closed, as officials held back counts until every voter had a chance to cast a ballot. The city was apparently caught off guard by higher-than-expected voter turnout, leading to hours-long lineups at voting stations, even after the 8 p.m. scheduled poll closing. Election day turnout was 15% of eligible voters, representing a 40% increase from the last civic by-election, in 2017.
Orr has a history of anti-Israel activism and social media posts, as well as arguably antisemitic expressions, including reposting comments such as “What does the ‘I’ in CIJA stand for?” and “Antisemitism is when I’m not allowed to chant ‘Death to Arabs.’”
The results seem to spell disenchantment with Sim’s ABC slate, which still holds seven seats on the 11-member council. ABC swept into office in 2022 on a platform of public safety, affordability and housing.
Rabbi Philip Bregman, rabbi emeritus of Temple Sholom, has spent 45 of his 50 years since ordination in Vancouver, having joined the Reform congregation in 1980. (photo from Philip Bregman)
Temple Sholom and the larger Jewish community came together on erev Shabbat, March 28, to celebrate Rabbi Philip Bregman and his wife Cathy, marking 50 years since his ordination. The dinner and Friday night services were emotional but included a great deal of laughter.
Bregman, now rabbi emeritus of the Reform synagogue, has spent 45 of his 50 years since ordination in Vancouver. Early in his career, after also receiving a master’s degree in social work, he served in New Rochelle, NY, and in Toronto, before coming to Temple Sholom in 1980.
Since retiring from the pulpit in 2013, Bregman has served as Hillel BC’s executive director and as the Jewish chaplain at the University of British Columbia. Under the auspices of the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver and the Rabbinical Association of Vancouver, he helped found the Other People, an interfaith and multicultural group that talks about diversity to high school students, among other strategies.
Rabbi Dan Moskovitz, who is now Temple Sholom’s senior rabbi, spoke of what Bregman has contributed to the community.
Rabbi Philip Bregman in fall 2024, after receiving a King Charles III Coronation Medal, which recognizes individuals who have made significant contributions to Canada. (photo from Philip Bregman)
“All of the things that we appreciate and love about being Jewish in Vancouver, Rabbi Bregman has had a hand in,” said Moskovitz, who came to Temple Sholom 13 years ago. Motioning his arms to the packed sanctuary, he said: “Rabbi, you have planted the seeds and this is the fruit.”
Moskovitz said he has been guided in his own rabbinate by a rule of thumb: “WWBD – What would Bregman do? And I just did that. I might have done it my own way, but I just did what Philip would do, what Rabbi Bregman would do, and that has served us all so well.”
Moskovitz shared a story about the weekend of the Tree of Life synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh, in 2018.
“I was crushed and devastated,” said Moskovitz. “After the service, I went into my office, which was his office, and I cried. Rabbi Bregman came in and he held me, and I cried on his shoulder. It wasn’t the first time. It wasn’t the last time I cried on your shoulder. Thank you for being this rabbi’s rabbi. Thank you for letting us cry on your shoulder, and for those shoulders holding us up.”
Rabbi Carey Brown, who came from the United States to become the shul’s associate rabbi, credited Bregman for helping her become, first, “a rabbi to Canadians” and, in time, “a Canadian rabbi myself.”
She said Bregman told her when she arrived: “The thing to know about Canadian Jews is Israel. Canadian Jews are very connected, strongly, to Israel.
“It’s really through your love of Israel that I have seen that so, so deeply,” she said.
Speaking on behalf of the family, Shai Bregman, the rabbi’s son and eldest offspring, joked, “I was saving all this material for the eulogy.”
“Who he is as a rabbi and who he is as a person can’t be separated,”
Shai Bregman said. “His passion for Judaism, his unapologetic Zionism, his determination to teach his grandchildren every swear word, are all what makes him who he is.”
The rabbi, said his son, is “one of the most vicious fundraisers you could ever imagine.”
“I’ve seen him raise hundreds of thousands of dollars in between baseball innings, both for the shul and for individuals in need.”
Speaking to the assembled crowd, Bregman donned a Toronto Blue Jays tallit that the congregation gave him upon his retirement 13 years ago, and reflected on the highs and lows.
On Jan. 25, 1985, at 1:30 a.m., Bregman received a call from Vancouver’s fire chief.
“Rabbi, your synagogue is entirely engulfed,” the head firefighter told him. “We believe it was a Molotov cocktail.”
There had been a previous incident and the congregation was in the process of erecting grates on the windows. Only two windows remained unprotected and one of those was where the firebomb entered. The crime remains unsolved.
For two and a half years, the congregation held its services at the Jewish Community Centre of Greater Vancouver and its religious school at Vancouver Talmud Torah. Bregman recalled being contacted by the late Rabbi Mordechai Feuerstein of the Orthodox Congregation Schara Tzedeck, offering Bregman and his staff office space for the duration.
“You’re going to catch hell,” Bregman told him. But Feuerstein insisted.
“And we paid this much rent,” Bregman said, forming a zero with his thumb and forefinger. “I will always be indebted to my beloved colleague. We had one major, major disagreement. It was not halachic. He unfortunately was a Boston Red Sox fan.”
That cross-denominational cooperation may have been a product of a uniquely Vancouver phenomenon. The Rabbinical Association of Vancouver, which encompasses congregational rabbis across the denominational spectrum, emerged from the first phone call Bregman received from outside the Temple Sholom community upon his arrival in the city. It was Rabbi Wilfred (Zev) Solomon of the Conservative synagogue Beth Israel.
“And that started the most incredible, loving, collegial friendship,” Bregman said. “Zev and I started the RAV, the Rabbinical Association of Vancouver, the collaboration that, among many things, I am most proud.”
Bregman credited the Temple Sholom community with providing a second home to his three children, who had the good fortune of remaining in one place for their entire childhoods, something that is rare for “RKs” – “rabbi’s kids,” as Bregman calls them.
The “kids’ (now adults) are daughters Shira and Jordana, and son Shai. Jordana and her husband, Itamar, are parents of Raf and Yoni. Shai and his wife, Michelle, have three children, Maya, Olivia and Talya.
Among other highlights, Bregman recalled mentoring seven individuals who went into the rabbinate and, with wife Cathy, taking “Israel virgins,” totaling about 1,000 people, to the Holy Land over the years.
Bregman credited his wife for the name of the group, the Other People, and said there was a challenge operating under the auspices of both the Jewish Federation and the RAV.
“The question was,” deadpanned Bregman, “who was going to manage him?”
The rabbi and his son, as well as other speakers, singled out Cathy Bregman as an irreplaceable force in the success of Bregman’s rabbinate and the achievements of the congregation, citing her concern for, engagement with and intuitive understanding of individual congregants.
At the dinner before Friday services, Ellen Gordon led a trivia game about events in 1975.
Anne Andrew spoke about arriving in Vancouver in 1980 and going “shul shopping.” She and her then-fiancé Eric attended the High Holiday services that year – “In those days, Rabbi Bregman was a bimah-thumper of note,” she said – and have been Temple Sholom members ever since, she serving as religious school principal when Bregman was rabbi, and Eric serving on the board, including as treasurer.
Jerry Growe, a past president of the synagogue, gave a drash on the week’s Torah portion, drawing parallels between the Book of Exodus and Bregman’s career, which included leading the congregation from the burned-out synagogue to the present structure, in 1988.
MLA Terry Yung, BC minister of state for community safety and integrated services, brought greetings from the province of British Columbia.
Taleeb Noormohamed, member of Parliament for Vancouver Granville, presented Bregman with a parliamentary recognition and discussed participating with the rabbi in interfaith work.
Former MLA Michael Lee and other members of the Other People paid tribute to the rabbi.
In 2023, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev opened a new home in Sde Boker for the David Ben-Gurion archives. (photo from Ben-Gurion University)
For visitors to Israel – and for Israelis looking for an engaging getaway – there is a relatively new destination in the country’s south.
In 2023, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev opened a new home for the David Ben-Gurion archives, with a dramatic exhibition hall to attract visitors. In addition to the many artifacts and documents on display, the exhibitions include interactive activities that allow visitors to speculate how the first prime minister would have responded to various scenarios.
Ben-Gurion was Israel’s first prime minister and the dominant political figure for the country’s first decade-and-a-half, during which time he served concurrently as minister of defence. In addition, no individual is more associated than Ben-Gurion with Israel’s development of the Negev and the entire south of the country.
The new archives facility rounds out a network of Ben-Gurion-related sites in the Sde Boker area, where Ben-Gurion built a desert home and enjoyed his retirement.
David Berson, Ben-Gurion University Canada’s executive director for British Columbia and Alberta, says the facility makes Sde Boker even more of a must-see for visitors to Israel.
There had been an archive at the Sde Boker campus, allowing deep research into Ben-Gurion’s papers and other materials, but these were photocopies because the university did not have the archival capacity to accommodate the originals in the environment they required. The originals were held in Tel Aviv at an Israel Defence Forces archive.
“Everything was there, but it was a reasonable facsimile, as we like to say,” said Berson.
That changed with the opening two years ago of the purpose-built Ben-Gurion Heritage Archive, which includes a 280-square-metre (more than 10,000-square-foot) exhibition hall.
“All the real, genuine archives have been transferred there,” Berson said. “The exhibition hall is basically an interactive tale of David Ben-Gurion’s heritage and questions about things like the ultra-Orthodox serving in the army, his relationship to the diaspora, the Altalena affair, all sorts of different things, as well as his correspondence with Hebrew school students from all over the world, leaders, his perspectives on religion, etc., etc.”
The facility is a partnership between BGU and the Ben-Gurion Heritage Institute, an educational and commemorative organization committed to keeping Ben-Gurion’s ideals alive, especially his emphasis on developing the Negev. Among other things, they operate the museum at Ben-Gurion’s kibbutz home and other educational programming.
The Ben-Gurion Promenade, a project designed to honour his legacy and connect significant landmarks associated with his life, takes visitors on a 3.5-kilometre walk from his residence at Kibbutz Sde Boker to his burial site overlooking Nahal Zin, and taking in the new archives and exhibition hall. The accessible path is lined with native desert plants and interpretive signs about Ben-Gurion’s life and vision.
The David Ben-Gurion archives includes a 280-square-metre exhibition hall. (photo from Ben-Gurion University)
The archives are part of a larger complex that also houses the Ben-Gurion Research Institute for the Study of Israel and Zionism, and the Azrieli Centre for Israel Studies.
Ben-Gurion’s eponymous university has three campuses in the country’s south.
The main Marcus Family Campus, in Beersheva, is home to the university’s faculties of engineering and sciences, health sciences, humanities and social sciences, business and management, computer science and cybersecurity, among others, and several advanced research institutes. It is adjacent to the Soroka University Medical Centre, where BGU medical students train. The campus is also home to the 10-year-old Advanced Technology Park, which is a joint venture of BGU, the City of Beersheva and real estate development company Gav Yam. The park is part of a national effort to develop the Negev region into a global centre for cybersecurity, defence technologies and tech innovation.
At the Sde Boker campus, about 30 kilometres to the south of Beersheva, specialties include desert studies, environmental science, hydrology, solar energy, sustainability and climate research, and arid agriculture. It is also home to the Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research.
The Eilat campus, at the country’s southern-most tip, on the Red Sea, specializes in marine biology and biotechnology, hospitality and tourism management, regional development studies, and interdisciplinary undergraduate programs that allow students from the south to do their initial studies in the area before completing their degrees at the Beersheva campus or elsewhere.
Sde Boker has always been a sort of pilgrimage site for Ben-Gurion fans and history buffs. But, because tourism to Israel has plummeted in the past year-and-a-half, most of the visitors so far have been comparative locals, Berson said, including leaders of the security services and military, educators and other Israelis.
When tourism picks up, Berson hopes the archives will make Sde Boker even more of a destination on the visitors’ map.
“It’s a wonderful national treasure,” said Berson. “But it’s also something that’s not on people’s radar screens abroad. We really want to encourage people to come and visit there, put it on their itineraries.”
Canadian Paralympic athlete and wheelchair racer Rick Hansen, known for his work to break down barriers for people with disabilities, receives an honorary doctorate from Hebrew University from then-Hebrew U president Menahem Ben-Sasson. In December 2010, Hansen visited Hebrew U as part of the 25th anniversary celebration of his “Man in Motion” tour. (photo from Hebrew University)
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem turned 100 this month. Opening officially on April 1, 1925, the university preceded the birth of the state of Israel by more than two decades.
“There was no country yet,” said Dina Wachtel, vice-president, community affairs, for the Canadian Friends of the Hebrew University. “It’s the first daughter that gave birth to her mother.”
The history of the campus on Mount Scopus has been tumultuous, like that of the country its alumni have helped shape.
During Israel’s 1948 War of Independence, Mount Scopus became an isolated enclave, and the university was forced to relocate its main activities to facilities in West Jerusalem. In 1954, a new campus was established in the Givat Ram neighbourhood, followed by the creation of additional campuses, including at Ein Kerem, home to the institution’s medical sciences faculty, and, at Rehovot, where the agriculture department is headquartered.
Allan Bronfman, national president and founder of the Canadian Friends of the Hebrew University, with Dr. Albert Einstein, honorary president of the Hebrew University, on Sept. 19, 1954, at a Princeton conference called by Einstein to launch a $30 million dollar capital building project for the university, which was in exile from its campus on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem. (photo from Hebrew University)
After the 1967 Six Day War, Hebrew University regained access to Mount Scopus and began to restore and expand the original campus. Today, it is one of Israel’s leading research institutions, ranked among the top universities globally, and it remains a symbol of intellectual and cultural renewal in the country.
“Even the word ‘incredible’ is too small to describe the impact of the Hebrew University on the establishment of the state of Israel and on the state of Israel,” Wachtel said. “Most of the Supreme Court judges are graduates of the Hebrew University faculty of law, which was established in 1949. We have eight Nobel Prize laureates – all of them from 2000 and after.” A ninth laureate, Albert Einstein, a founder of the university, won the Nobel for physics in 1921.
The university was established by the intellectual giants of the last century, said Wachtel. These included Einstein, as well as Chaim Weizmann, the Zionist leader who would become the first president of the state; philosopher Martin Buber; American Reform Rabbi Judah Leon Magnes, who served as the first chancellor and later president of the university; founder of psychoanalysis Sigmund Freud; Ahad Ha’am, dubbed the father of cultural Zionism; poet Chaim Nachman Bialik; and Herbert Samuel, British High Commissioner for Palestine, among many others.
Einstein, Wachtel noted, left his entire intellectual estate to the Hebrew U and the university is in the process of constructing a new Daniel Libeskind-designed archive for his fonds on Givat Ram’s Edmond J. Safra Campus, adjacent to the Knesset, the Supreme Court and the Israel Museum.
“I think it will be the next tourist attraction in the city of Jerusalem,” she said.
Celebratory events will take place in Israel in June, concurrent with the Hebrew University’s board of governors meeting in Jerusalem. Happenings will include a special event at the home of Israel’s president, a special show at the Tower of David Museum, and other ceremonies.
Gail Asper, left, a Hebrew University honorary doctorate recipient and a member of the executive of the board of governors of Hebrew U, with then-Hebrew U president Menahem Ben-Sasson and guest speaker Chelsea Clinton at the 2015 CFHU Einstein Legacy Awards in Toronto. (photo from Hebrew University)
The university has been a hub for groundbreaking research, reflecting the institution’s commitment to education, scientific advancement and societal impact.
Marking the centenary, Hebrew U’s current president, Prof. Asher Cohen, credited the thinkers who initiated the school, the groundbreaking for which began in 1918.
“They and many others founded a pioneering academic institution to cultivate future leaders in research, science, public service and society – for the benefit of Israel and all humanity,” Cohen said in a statement. “From the moment this vision became a reality, the university has upheld excellence in research and education as its highest priority. Today, it continues to be a hub of knowledge, innovation and groundbreaking research across diverse fields, nurturing generations of leaders, scholars and thinkers.”
Prof. Tamir Shafer, rector of the Hebrew University, contextualized the university in Israeli society.
NBA superstar Amar’e Stoudemire visited Hebrew University in 2013, meeting with students at the Rothberg International School, and with the then-president of Israel Shimon Peres. (photo from Hebrew University)
“As a leading research institution,” Shafer said in a statement, “the Hebrew University sees itself as responsible for educating future generations, conducting groundbreaking research across nearly all fields of study, fostering extensive international engagement in both research and teaching, building strong ties with advanced industries in Israel and abroad, nurturing a diverse academic community, and maintaining deep social involvement in Jerusalem and throughout Israel.”
Diversity is a cornerstone of the institution’s success, according to Prof. Mona Khoury-Kassabri, vice-president of strategy and diversity.
“At the Hebrew University, we believe that diversity is not a substitute for excellence but a driving force that enhances it,” she said. “Our commitment to inclusion ensures that students and researchers from all backgrounds have equal opportunities to thrive, contribute and shape the future of society. By fostering a multicultural environment, we enrich both scholarship and community, proving that true innovation emerges when different voices are heard and valued.”
The centenary will also be celebrated with special events in Canada, some of which will be announced soon. Check cfhu.org for updates.
Jaime Stein hopes to bring a Jewish voice to the table at Vancouver City Hall. He is vying for one of the two seats that will be filled in a by-election April 5.
One seat opened after Councilor Christine Boyle was elected as a New Democrat to the BC Legislature in the provincial election last year. She had been the sole representative on council for the OneCity electoral organization.
The other seat opened after Councilor Adriane Carr, one of two Green party councilors, resigned, citing frustration with the governing style of Mayor Ken Sim and his ABC majority.
Jaime Stein said that, when meeting with a couple of hundred voters every day, he and his running mate, Ralph Kaisers, are hearing that people are “really happy with how ABC is willing to take on difficult issues.” (Courtesy Jaime Stein)
Stein is on the ABC slate, with running mate Ralph Kaisers. They hope to increase ABC’s existing majority on council. ABC currently holds the mayor’s chair and six of the 10 councilor positions.
Aiming to prevent a larger ABC majority are four electoral organizations.
TEAM for a Livable Vancouver has nominated former city councilor Colleen Hardwick and community organizer and urban researcher Theodore Abbott.
The three other groups have nominated one candidate each. OneCity has nominated schools and street safety activist Lucy Maloney. COPE, the Coalition of Progressive Electors, has nominated writer and punk musician Sean Orr. The Green party has nominated filmmaker and advocate Annette Reilly.
There are six independent candidates running: Jeanifer Decena, Guy Dubé, Charles Ling, Karin Litzcke, Gerry Mcguire and Rollergirl.
The dual by-election is the first test of the ABC majority on Vancouver city council since Sim and his party were first elected in 2022.
Stein said that, when meeting with a couple of hundred voters every day, he and his running mate Kaisers are hearing that people are “really happy with how ABC is willing to take on difficult issues, whether it’s in the Downtown Eastside or whether it’s with crime and safety or whether it’s just examining new ways to do things that maybe councils in the past haven’t done.”
He thinks there is a silent majority that doesn’t make a lot of noise but who are generally pleased with the direction the city has been taking in the past three years.
The issues that led to the ABC victory in 2022 have not changed significantly, according to Stein.
“I think the biggest issue, number one, is crime and safety,” he said. “People want Vancouver to be a safer city, one that they can get out and enjoy.”
The second most common issue he hears about, he said, is “making Vancouver open for business again.”
“That means reducing red tape for businesses,” said Stein. “It means making it easier for people to interact with the city, whether they need permits, etc., and also opening it to the world, like bringing more festivals and events here, like FIFA or Web Summit, and trying to generate tourism dollars in the city for folks.”
While Stein sees value in having a Jewish voice at the table, he said Vancouver already has Canada’s “most friendly mayor and council to the Jewish community.”
Although Vancouver’s second mayor, David Oppenheimer, was Jewish, there have never been a great many Jews in elected positions either locally, provincially or federally from British Columbia. Stein hopes his candidacy inspires other Jews to get involved.
“It’s a voice that needs to be at the table, not only to advocate for our community but also to serve as a role model for others to get involved in either the political process or in civic discourse in general,” he said.
Stein has corporate and nonprofit sector leadership experience, including in the technology sector at companies including BroadbandTV, Taplytics and Hootsuite. He partnered with Canadian Blood Services to raise $12.5 million for establishing Canada’s national public cord blood bank, inspired to do so by the loss of his father, Howard Stein, to leukemia, in 2006. He is also on the board of an agency advancing Alzheimer’s research.
In the Jewish community, Stein was selected as a 2024 Wexner Fellow, a two-year educational program focused on Jewish learning and leadership development. He chairs a committee on the Antisemitism and Israel Crisis Response Team. With the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver, Stein has worked with elected officials to develop public policy to strengthen community safety and security. He has been a volunteer and fundraiser supporting Jerusalem’s Shaare Zedek Medical Centre and has volunteered in different capacities with the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, the Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee, the Jewish Community Centre of Greater Vancouver and others.
Last year, Stein was nominated as the BC United candidate in Vancouver-Langara, but did not run in the provincial election after the party folded its campaign and endorsed the BC Conservatives.
Polls are open election day, which is Saturday, April 5, from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., but there are opportunities to vote early at Vancouver City Hall, on Tuesday, April 1, from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., and people can also cast their vote by mail. For full details, go to vancouver.ca/vote.
Australian TV personality Erin Molan at Schara Tzedeck in Vancouver March 19. (photo by Pat Johnson)
Security was tighter than usual at Congregration Schara Tzedeck when Australian media personality Erin Molan spoke to Vancouver’s Jewish community March 19.
The non-Jewish commentator has become a lightning rod for anti-Israel activists since becoming a vocal voice in support of Zionism and Jews, particularly after Oct. 7, 2023. She is dumbfounded by the controversy.
“If you said to me two years ago, there’s going to be a terror attack, Hamas will slaughter 1,200 people, they will take hostages, they will burn children … you are going to come out very strongly and publicly and condemn those actions and you’re going to support the victims of those atrocities and that’s going to be controversial and you will be in the minority, I would have said you are dreaming, there is no chance in hell,” Molan told the audience. “But here we are.”
Since that October day, Molan has lost the four jobs she held in Australian journalism – her main gig as a commentator on Sky News Australia, a radio position, a column in Sydney’s Daily Telegraph and a regular magazine spot. Molan has not explicitly said she was fired for her pro-Israel views.
“Pure coincidence, of course,” was her response to a direct question put to her by Amir Epstein, executive director of Tafsik, the organization that brought her on a cross-Canada tour.
In February, she became host of 69 X Minutes, a news program conceived and funded by Elon Musk, which airs on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter.
Molan received a loud ovation for her comments on US President Donald Trump.
“You might love him, you might hate him,” she said. “Would I want him to marry my daughter? No. Do I think that in some ways he is the right person for this time given the alternative? Absolutely.”
She said Trump is shaking up a situation that demands new approaches.
“At least he’s throwing something different out there,” she said. “How many two-state solutions do you want to give the Palestinians? How many chances do you want to give? What are we up to, eight? Eight more chances for the same people that, at the last ceasefire, came on TV seconds after the ceasefire began and said, just FYI, we will do Oct. 7 again at the first available opportunity.
“You can’t keep doing the same thing,” she continued. “That’s insanity.”
Her assertion that Trump’s disruptive tactics are right for the time and place come in part from watching, she said, every second of available recorded footage from Oct. 7. Many of the perpetrators wore body cameras, in some cases livestreaming their attacks.
“I thought I understood how depraved they were, well prior,” she said. “I’d seen enough, I’d heard enough, I knew that they were probably as low as you could get. Watching the raw vision [recorded footage] gave me the next-level understanding of who you are dealing with and … I left there saying, there is no way you can coexist with those people.
“I watched a video of a dad jumping out of a window with a 4-year-old under his arm and then maybe a 6-year-old running beside him,” she recounted. “Just that fear on his face that … he knew that they were coming. He was not going to be able to do anything, but he was doing whatever he could. The terrorists killed him, then went to the fridge with two kids covered in blood, shaking, [having] just watched their dad killed and then pulling drinks out and they’re laughing. I watched their faces as they hacked the head off a young man. That, to me, is what I can’t ever forget, the joy that they derived in what they were doing. Two little girls and a little boy being burnt alive – they shot their parents and then they burnt them alive. I just don’t think you can keep pretending that this is just a dispute over land or this is just two countries that don’t really get along well. No, there are not two sides to this. They are evil, depraved, bloodthirsty murderers who will never, ever stop. So, whatever the solution is moving forward, it cannot have Hamas in existence at all and, from there, I don’t know, but I think you’ve got to try something different.”
Molan’s experiences with domestic partner violence have influenced her approach to the Oct. 7 attacks – and provided a contrast between the way she, as an Australian woman, is perceived differently from Israeli women.
“I was in a couple of very violent relationships that resulted in me being hospitalized a lot,” she said, noting that she shared the story for the first time publicly only a few months ago.
When Molan did so, she said, “all the feminists in Australia … were public and effusive in their sorrow and their praise for my bravery, for sharing.”
She said, “These were the same people who deny what happened to Israeli and Jewish women on Oct. 7, the same people who have not said a word about any of it. [They are] completely OK with Hamas raping, slaughtering, killing women.”
She experienced firsthand the very different reactions to her, “an Irish Catholic girl,” and to the rapes and murders of Israeli women, she said.
While she said everyone should be speaking up in support of Israel and against Hamas and global antisemitism, she had particularly harsh words for Islamic community members and leaders, not least because Islamic extremism hurts Muslims, she said.
“They should be at the forefront of this fight,” she said. “Where are they? That’s what’s really disappointed me in this space. There’s the odd one or two and they are incredible and they’re brave and they’re powerful, but … this was a perfect opportunity for [Muslim community organizations] to come out and say, ‘That’s not who we are, that doesn’t represent us or our religion.’ But, instead, they tried to downplay it, they tried to make it OK, they tried to normalize it.”
Molan has been critical of Canada’s now-former prime minister Justin Trudeau, as well as leaders in her own country and elsewhere, who she says have allowed the bar to be lowered on acceptable discourse.
She cited the example of a hate rally at the Sydney Opera House, hours after the atrocities in Israel, during which people expressed antisemitic chants and threats.
“If I were in power, if I were the leader of a nation and that had occurred on my watch, you could not have held me back in terms of what action I would have taken,” she said, adding that this was a moment when hateful and potentially violent people were gauging what would be accepted and what would not be accepted in society.
At that point, Molan said, leaders should have come down hard and police should have acknowledged that support for terrorism and incitement of violence against identifiable groups is illegal, freedom of speech notwithstanding. In Australia, Canada and elsewhere, she said, that did not happen.
She credited the Jewish community worldwide for their collective reactions to the challenges they face.
“You would be justified in being the most hateful people in history,” she said. “You would be justified in having hearts full of hate and no one could ever judge you for it. Every time you gather, all you say is, ‘Bring them home.’ That’s it. Every gathering I’ve seen of Jewish people since Oct. 7, the only focus there has been ‘Bring them home. Bring our people home.’ The other side, every gathering is ‘Intifada,’ ‘River to the sea,’ ‘Death to Jews.’ How can the world not see the stark difference between these two groups of people?”
Schara Tzedeck’s Rabbi Andrew Rosenblatt opened the event with a prayer for the hostages.
Mijal BenDori, vice-president, community planning, partnerships and innovation, of the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver, thanked the Vancouver Police Department, hired security and the community volunteer group Bitachon for keeping British Columbia’s Jews safe.
The event was co-sponsored by Federation, Schara Tzedeck and Tafsik, a new national organization that Epstein said targets “the Islamists, the Marxists, the communists, the keffiyeh Karens, the Jew-haters.”
His group, he said, has a number of projects in development, including an app to identify and remove anti-Jewish and anti-Israel hate graffiti; a group called LGBTJew, to provide a place for queer Zionists; and a support group for people who have been alienated by their Jewish families for their support of Israel.
Raphael Lemkin, a Polish-Jewish lawyer, coined the term “genocide” in 1944. (photo from Arthur Leipzig Estate, courtesy of Howard Greenberg Gallery, via ushmm.org)
Anna-Mae Wiesenthal was in the United Kingdom recently and passed a table in Dublin that was accusing Israel of perpetrating genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. She engaged the people at the table in conversation.
It was a small act of dialogue between a few individuals, but it reflects what Wiesenthal views as a vital act in mutual understanding.
Encouraging conversations like these is one of the reasons the Vancouver educator recently led a course at Temple Sholom on the definition of genocide.
Wiesenthal holds a master’s degree in Holocaust and genocide studies and is about to defend her PhD dissertation in the same discipline. Both degrees are from Gratz College, in Pennsylvania. She retired last year as a teacher at Vancouver’s King David High School.
The three-class course at Temple Sholom addressing the emotionally and academically challenging topic of genocide comes at a time when
Israel is being accused of perpetrating crimes against humanity in Gaza. The topic has immediate resonance. Wiesenthal’s intention, however, was to take a more nuanced approach to the subject.
“My goal when I retired is to continue to be an educator in different capacities,” she said. After discussions with Temple Sholom’s Rabbi Dan Moskovitz, she put together the course, which ran on three consecutive Wednesdays, ending March 19.
The focus, she said, was an examination of the concept, introducing students to when and why the term “genocide” was coined, in 1944, by Raphael Lemkin, a Polish-Jewish lawyer, and looking at its definition, examining the wording and identifying problematic components.
In 1948, the United Nations Genocide Convention defined “genocide” as: “Any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting conditions intended to destroy the group in whole or in part; imposing measures to prevent births within the group; forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”
“The word ‘intent’ in the definition is problematic,” Wiesenthal said, as an example of the exploration the class undertook. “How do you prove intent?”
The goal of the course, she said, was “to come out possibly with more questions or appreciation for the complexity of the definition.”
The small group of students analyzed the 10 Stages of Genocide, a framework developed and introduced in 1996 by Dr. Gregory H. Stanton, the founder of Genocide Watch, to help identify the warning signs of genocide and prevent it before it escalates.
These steps include classification (dividing people into “us” versus “them” based on ethnicity, race, religion or nationality); symbolization (assigning symbols or names to distinguish groups, such as the yellow Star of David for Jews in Nazi Germany); discrimination (dominant groups deny rights to a specific group, often through laws or policies); dehumanization (the targeted group is compared to animals, vermin, insects or diseases to strip them of their humanity); organization (genocidal acts are planned and coordinated, often by governments, militias or extremist groups); polarization (propaganda and hate speech are used to drive society further apart, making violence seem justified); preparation (authorities or groups begin making lists, planning logistics and even building camps or weapons for mass killing); persecution (victims are identified, isolated and deprived of rights, for example, forced deportation, concentration camps, starvation); extermination (the mass killing of the targeted group begins, often justified as “cleansing” or necessary for national security); and denial (perpetrators cover up evidence, deny crimes, blame victims or rewrite history to avoid accountability).
“It’s not always linear,” Wiesenthal said of the 10 stages. “Some of the stages can overlap, some of the stages may not necessarily be present, but it’s a way to identify and help you predict. If we see conditions of the stages unfolding then perhaps we can predict more accurately that there is groundwork being laid for genocidal actions.”
While Wiesenthal wanted to encourage depth of understanding on the topic, its immediacy – with Israel being accused of genocide by groups including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch – led some students, and the Independent, to pressure her to comment on current events.
“What do we say when somebody says Israel is committing genocide?” Wiesenthal asked. “I could ask a question like: What is your understanding of genocide? What does that mean to you?”
If Israel wanted to commit genocide, Wiesenthal noted, they have the military capacity to have done so on the first day of the war. This is perhaps the most immediate, if not entirely nuanced, response.
“You can make all kinds of arguments about how there was or wasn’t enough humanitarian aid and food trucks entering Gaza,” she said. “The fact is there were food trucks entering.”
There could be legitimate discussions about what Hamas did with that aid once it entered Gaza. But, she said, the larger issue is that governments that plan on committing genocide do not provide victims with humanitarian aid, nor do they provide vaccines for children, as Israel has done.
Military experts, such as John Spencer, who specializes in urban warfare, has said that the civilian casualty ratio in Gaza is “historically low for modern warfare” and cites Israeli Defence Forces estimates that 50-60% of Gazans killed have been civilians, well below the 80-90% of civilian casualties typical in modern conflicts.
Spencer has praised the Israeli military’s efforts to minimize non-combatant harm, citing mass warnings to Gazan civilians, providing evacuation and relocation directives to reduce casualties, and the use of “roof knocking” techniques before airstrikes.
While Israel has been condemned for using 2,000-pound bombs in urban areas, Spencer has claimed that these are standard for penetrating fortified underground structures, like Hamas’s extensive tunnel networks, and contends that their use is not intended to cause unnecessary destruction but to legitimately and effectively serve military objectives.
Wiesenthal turns the genocide narrative around, noting that Hamas has explicitly dedicated itself to committing genocide against Israelis and Jews, both in writing and in its repeated expressed statements.
“It is part of Hamas’s charter and something they verbally repeated, that their goal is to get rid of Jews, and their readiness to commit Oct. 7 over and over again,” she said.
This goes to the challenging issue of intent on the part of both Israelis and Hamas, she added.
“If given the opportunity, Hamas [has said it] would kill every Jew in Israel and destroy Israel,” said Wiesenthal. “Israel is not targeting the Palestinian people or the Palestinian population in Gaza. Their campaign is solely directed at the terrorist organization Hamas, which is existentially threatening Israel. Israel is responding to a genocidal attack.”
Light projections on the internal walls of the Tower of David, in Jerusalem, part of the Night Spectacular. (photo by Pat Johnson)
Tourism to Israel plummeted after Oct. 7, 2023. For example, January 2024 saw an 80% drop in visitors from a year previous. Those who did travel to Israel were often on solidarity missions or volunteer programs.
In March, I visited for 10 days, speaking with scores of Israelis about the situation, their grief, determination and changed attitudes, among other things. During that period, there was not a single siren in central Israel, though, days after my departure, the ceasefire ended and war in earnest began again.
It may seem frivolous or disrespectful to speak of “tourism” or “sightseeing” in moments such as these. The example of Israelis, however, is, as ever, resilience and getting on with it. Museums are open and, no matter what brings you to Israel, making time for recreation is necessary and, in many cases, adds depth to the understanding of what is happening now. A few of my destinations and choices are a bit odd – not what every visitor might choose – but others, like the Tower of David, should be on your must-see list.
Story of Jerusalem
The Tower of David Museum tells the story of Jerusalem. With a multimillion-dollar investment in new technologies upgrading the experience, the centrality of the city of Jerusalem in multiple traditions is underscored by the imagery of the city as the “navel of the world.”
From 5,000-year-old idols and 3,000-year-old stamps indicating a thriving bureaucracy, to Theodor Herzl and the modern state, the museum tells the story of a place with more history than geography.
A not-to-be-missed component is the immersive, after-dark sound and light show called the Night Spectacular. Perhaps less informative than just, well, spectacular, the 40-minute program projects the epochs of the city’s history (that is, its litany of invasions) onto the interior walls of the imposing citadel. Combo tickets to the museum, permitting evening entry for the show, are available. The effect is all-immersing, more powerful and moving than I could have anticipated. It will captivate visitors of every age.
History of Jewish militias
Like the Haganah Museum in Tel Aviv (see below), the Museum of the Underground Prisoners Jerusalem takes a politically ecumenical approach to the history of Jewish militias fighting the British in pre-state Israel.
Located in the former British Mandate-era jail, the museum tells the story of resistance fighters from the Haganah, the main defence force of the pre-state Jewish community, the Revisionist Irgun (Etzel) and the more radical Lehi (“Stern Gang”).
Jewish prisoners were captured and punished for sabotage against the British, including the smuggling of Holocaust survivors and others into Palestine. Some of the prisoners were executed in the prison yard and these lives are commemorated movingly.
Holocaust remembrance
Yad Vashem: The World Holocaust Remembrance Centre is always a moving pilgrimage. The primary exhibit space – an A-frame hall with windows at the peak, reminding us that the events took place in full view of the world (and, arguably, God) – provides a chronological history of the Shoah. The slash across the top of the Moshe Safdie-designed building also represents the permanent scar this history has left on humankind.
Like the Tower of David, Yad Vashem has had a huge infusion of money to update the exhibits and add high-tech components.
The eternal flame, at Yad Vashem. (photo by Pat Johnson)
A simple, but crucial, aspect of the exhibit is at the start, after visitors traverse the “bridge to a vanished world,” and a short film loops the story of the pre-Shoah Jewish civilization that was destroyed. This contextualizing of what was lost is an irreplaceable part of the experience.
The permanent exhibit, including the emotional Hall of Names, is what the public most often sees and it provides the history of the Holocaust for people of all levels of knowledge. The vast work of the centre remains mostly out of sight, with archives, research, recording and publication being a less visible but no less important component of Yad Vashem’s mandate.
Har Herzl Pathway
For a British Columbian, it is hard to fathom what Israelis call “mountains.” The Mount of Remembrance (home to Yad Vashem) and Mount Herzl (or Har Herzl) are hardly recognizable as distinct geographic places, let alone mountains.
Monument to Israeli victims of terror, part of the many cemeteries on Mount Herzl, final resting place of soldiers, leaders and the fallen. (photo by Pat Johnson)
In any event, from Yad Vashem, it is a relatively short walk to the Herzl Museum, which is adjacent to the grave in which the founder of political Zionism was reinterred in 1949 from his original resting place in Vienna.
Between these two destinations are the resting places of most of Israel’s leaders, as well as cemetery after cemetery filled with soldiers and civilians killed in Israel’s successive wars and terror attacks.
It was only by happenstance – well, if you are arriving by foot, you can’t miss it, but those arriving by vehicle might – that I discovered a memorial walking path between Yad Vashem and the Herzl Museum, snaking through these sad, chronological rows of graves.
The trail, as a distinct entity, is a bit of a mystery. A post-trip web search indicates there is seemingly not even an agreed-upon name for the path. The information at the entryway says that it was developed by Jewish youth movements but the specific groups go unnamed. The signage is likewise a bit perplexing, without always clear directions or explanations. The larger message, though, does not require plinths: Israel and thousands of Israeli families have paid an enormous price for the country’s existence.
Learning about Herzl
Having meandered through the sombre cemeteries of Israel’s war dead and the resting places of most of the country’s prime ministers, presidents and other historical greats, you arrive at the imposing grave of Theodor Herzl. Nearby, the museum bearing his name tells the story of the man with the crazy dream of a Jewish state.
Replica of Theodor Herzl’s office, including his original desk and other artifacts, at the Herzl Museum, Jerusalem. (photo by Pat Johnson)
Museum-goers are given a guided tour from room to room, following a cheesy video of a pair of dramatic impresarios didactically directing an actor preparing for the role of Herzl but who has no idea who the man was. The actor (and, not at all subtly, the visitor) is educated on the Dreyfus Affair, which was the polarizing moment when the secular, assimilated Herzl concluded the Jews would never be free without a state of their own. The displays take visitors through his activism, and we eventually join delegates at the First Zionist Congress.
The museum includes the re-creation of Herzl’s home office and many important relics of his life.
Connecting past, present
Gush Katif Museum is an unexpected little museum in Jerusalem’s Nachlaot neighbourhood, which tells the story of the 17 Jewish settlements that were evacuated during the “disengagement plan” from Gaza in 2005.
The Israeli government withdrew from Gaza two decades ago in hopes of allowing a sort of pilot project in Palestinian self-government. In the process, and amid (yet another) emotional national dialogue, Jewish settlements in the enclave were evacuated.
With a decidedly political agenda, the museum finds relevance today, as many Israelis look at the situation in Gaza and, with 20/20 hindsight (or something like it), question every decision that may have led to today’s realities.
In an interesting thought experiment, a Jewish resident evacuated from Gaza, speaking in the museum’s introductory film, inverts the common perception of Jewish settlements in the area. Rather than the probably prevailing view of Jewish settlements as an imposition on Palestinian land, he makes the case that Israel gave 90% of Gaza to the Arabs and some still wanted to erase the Jewish presence entirely. (Ignoring the ideological point and contesting the details, Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip took up something around 20% of the land in the small area.) It’s a perspective that challenges the idea that, even absent a negotiated two-state solution, the Palestinians deserve 100% of the occupied territories. Presumably, it is just this type of questioning the museum hopes to engender.
The Gush Katif Museum explores more than modern history, of course, going back to the earliest Jewish settlement in the area, and the successive expulsions by the Romans and the Turks.
Origins of the IDF
Moving on to Tel Aviv, the Haganah Museum tells the story of the Jewish militia that morphed, upon statehood, into the Israel Defence Forces.
The museum is located on Rothschild Boulevard, in one of Tel Aviv’s oldest buildings, originally the home of Eliyahu Golomb, a founder and ideological leader of the Haganah.
The home of Eliyahu Golomb, founder and ideological leader of the Haganah. This was the site of many clandestine and pivotal meetings of the underground resistance. (photo by Pat Johnson)
While there were other military operatives, the Haganah was the de facto militia of the Yishuv, the pre-state Jewish community. The museum, though, takes a broader view, beginning with the role of “tower and stockade settlements” on the peripheries of the proto-state, through the First World War Zion Mule Corps, the Jewish Legion (which helped the rise to prominence of Revisionist leaders like Ze’ev Jabotinsky), and touches on the roles of Revisionist Etzel (the Irgun) and its breakaway group Lehi (the “Stern Gang”) in taking the fight to the British. In an ideological and military skirmish after independence, these groups would be forcibly unified into the IDF.
The museum includes the crucial role the Haganah played in the Aliyah Bet, the illegal migration of Jews into pre-state Israel during the period of British blockade of Jewish refugees.
At the entry to the building is a relief mural by Israeli sculptor Moshe Ziffer, with figures in traditional kibbutz-style clothing, linking the movement to the pioneering Zionist ethos, as well as fighters shielding and defending Jewish families. There are also ancient symbols in the artwork, implying the Maccabean revolt, and including modern symbols of the transition to statehood, in 1948.
Statues of David Ben-Gurion and his wife Pola, by artist Ruth Kestenbaum Ben-Dov, on Tel Aviv’s Independence Trail. (photo by Pat Johnson)
Independence Trail
The Haganah Museum is a central part of the cobbled-together tourist route branded “Independence Trail.” What would ostensibly be the centrepoint of the trail – Independence Hall, the home of Tel Aviv’s first mayor, Meir Dizengoff, and the place where David Ben-Gurion read aloud Israel’s Declaration of Independence on May 14, 1948 – is surrounded by scaffolding amid ongoing renovations without a set date for reopening.
An easy-to-follow map of the ambling tour is available at the tourism kiosk in the pedestrian boulevard between the Haganah Museum and Independence Hall. The tour begins (if you want to do it in un-Israeli orderly fashion) at the city’s first kiosk, a restoration of which still serves refreshments to Tel Avivians and tourists.
The site of the first kiosk in Tel Aviv. The location is still a destination for refreshments. (photo by Pat Johnson)
The walk continues past the Nahum Gutman Fountain, which depicts the history of Jaffa and its sister-city-come-lately Tel Aviv, from the setting-off place of Jonah on his way to the fish’s belly, through Egyptian invaders, Crusaders, Napoleonic forces on up to Herzl and to the Declaration of Independence that took place a few steps away.
Other stops on the trail include the site of Herzliya Hebrew Gymnasium, the world’s first modern Hebrew-language high school; the Palatin Hotel, the resting stop for famous names of the 20th century; Tel Aviv’s Great Synagogue; several buildings that are notable more for being examples of the Bauhaus or International Style of architecture than for historical import; the Tel Aviv Founders Monument; a statue of Dizengoff, astride his horse; and several others. The map and trail provide a quick and easy guide to important sites that you might otherwise overlook in a small area of central Tel Aviv.
Tragic walking tour
An unusual, if not terribly uplifting, activity is the Tragic Tel Aviv Walking Tour, which visits sites in the city centre where terror and even Second World War attacks killed civilians.
Easily missed: A monument to one of Tel Aviv’s many terror attacks. (photo by Pat Johnson)
On Sept. 9, 1940, Italian war planes operating from the island of Rhodes, made sorties over Haifa and Tel Aviv, killing 137 people, with many more injured. The attacks targeted no Allied (that is, British) military infrastructure and shattered what, to then, had been a feeling of relative isolation from the European war among the residents of pre-state Palestine. The monument to the bombing in Mikhoels Square, at the corner of Levinsky and Aliyah streets, is modest and easily overlooked if you are not explicitly seeking it – or even if you are.
Led by former Torontonian Jeffrey Levi, the tour then proceeds through sadly seemingly endless locations of suicide bombings and other terror attacks, many of which took place during the Second Intifada. In some cases, the historical events that left Israelis dead or wounded are not commemorated at all, or are marked by likewise inconspicuous markers.
If there is an uplifting message in this tour, it is in the innocuous manner in which most of these historical tragedies are commemorated (or not). As Levi recounts the devastations of the past, Tel Avivians hustle by, literally and figuratively moving past the past.
Heterodox Academy is a nonprofit organization dedicated to promoting viewpoint diversity, open inquiry and constructive debate in higher education. It works to counter ideological conformity on campuses by providing research, resources and programming that foster an environment where diverse perspectives are welcomed and critically examined.
If that sounds like what a university is intended to be, says one local professor, it’s a commentary on the state of contemporary campuses that such an organization is necessary to encourage the academy to live up to its principles.
Dr. Rachel Altman, associate professor in the statistics and actuarial science department at Simon Fraser University, is one of the campus co-chairs of the Heterodox Academy chapter at SFU.
“Heterodox Academy is an organization that fosters free, open inquiry and free discussion even about controversial issues,” she said. “It’s not just about freedom of speech. It’s also about our conduct, the way we have these conversations. I think that’s what really distinguishes it from the general free speech advocacy groups.”
Dr. Rachel Altman is one of the campus co-chairs of the Heterodox Academy chapter at Simon Fraser University. (photo from SFU)
Heterodox Academy provides guidelines that urge interlocutors to present their case with evidence, bring data when possible, assume the best of one’s opponent and be intellectually humble, among other principles.
HxA, as it is shorthanded, offers events, conferences, resources and other materials that “try to teach our society, especially within academia, how to interact in a productive and civilized way, even when we disagree,” she said.
These tools are intended to help bridge the divide between the ideal of a university and the reality of creating a dynamic marketplace of ideas.
“Just because we have it in our head that in the academy we should be able to discuss anything in a civilized way doesn’t mean we actually know how to do it,” she said. “They provide tools and modeling of those tools to actually teach people how to be civilized.”
The HxA chapter at SFU emerged after a group of scholars got together because they were concerned about the state of academic freedom at the university. They founded the SFU Academic Freedom Group.
Within a few months of that group’s founding, Heterodox Academy launched its Campus Community Program, recognizing chapters on individual campuses. Some SFU professors applied and were accepted among the first chapters chartered.
“We hosted a so-called Heterodox Conversation event this past September,” she said. “That’s a model developed by HxA where you invite two people who have different views on a topic and they sit down and have a conversation with the model [called] the Heterodox Way and then the audience gets involved and we have a group discussion.”
The topic of that dialogue was “The purpose of today’s Canadian universities.”
“The timing was perfect because, just the previous week, our president had issued a statement on institutional neutrality,” she said, referring to an announcement by SFU’s president, Joy Johnson, on maintaining an environment where scholarly inquiry remains unbiased by partisan agendas. “For me, I was celebrating like crazy, but there were others on campus who were very unhappy.”
Altman can’t say whether the Heterodox Academy chapter or the SFU Academic Freedom Group deserve credit for the president’s statement or for other recent developments she and her colleagues view as positive.
“I’m a statistician, so I rarely claim causation,” she said wryly. “I’m very conservative that way. But I think so.”
The groups are comparatively small, but they may be having an outsized impact.
“Everybody knows about us,” she said. “The administration clearly knows and it’s just been so gratifying to see the change in the whole tenor of the administration’s approaches over the last couple of years. It’s a clear change.”
Numbers may remain relatively small, Altman suspects, because of a false perception of their group.
“We are consistently being cast as this right-wing, conservative group and it’s not true,” she said. “We have people across the political spectrum in the group. It is a nonpartisan group.”
The idea that academic freedom and institutional neutrality are right-wing positions, she said, is belied, for example, by the gay rights movement, which emerged in the 1960s, in part thanks to the viewpoint diversity of campuses.
It is not a coincidence, Altman believes, that several HxA members, including herself, are Jewish.
“Jews have a long tradition of arguing and debating in a civilized way, the whole ‘two Jews, three opinions’ thing,” she said. “Jews are just a natural fit with the HxA model.”
In contrast, the equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) model that has become increasingly prevalent on North American campuses in recent years is antithetical both to the academic ideal and to Jews, she argued.
“For some Jews like myself, I realized very early on that the EDI ideology that’s become so predominant in academia and elsewhere, that it was terrible for Jews,” she said. “This model of the oppressed and the oppressor, it didn’t work. Jews did not fit into that mold.”
EDI is the opposite of what it claims to be, said Altman.
“I think it’s exclusionary, it discriminates against groups,” she said. “It’s antithetical to everything I believe in because I truly believe in inclusion and anti-discrimination.… I was very unhappy about the rise of the EDI ideology and, in my groups of people who are also similarly concerned about that ideology, I think Jews are overrepresented. That would suggest I’m not the only Jewish person who sees the fundamental conflict, the contradictions in the EDI ideology.”
Altman said few people would openly admit they oppose academic freedom.
“Really, it becomes about the definition of academic freedom,” she said. “When I say I support academic freedom, that’s the end of my sentence. What I look for when I’m talking to people is the ‘but’ that can follow. ‘Of course, I support academic freedom, but … there are limits.’ Things like that.”
In some cases, Altman thinks, this equivocation comes from a lack of understanding around the core principles of academic freedom.
“But then, there are some people who truly want to change the foundation of the term, the concept,” she said. “They truly believe that we should have limits on both our academic freedom and our freedom of expression more generally.”
In addition to the SFU branch, Heterodox Academy has a chapter at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan. While there are some HxA members at the Vancouver campus of UBC, Altman said, there is not yet an official chapter there.
Terry Glavin, right, in conversation with Rabbi Dan Moskovitz Jan. 30, traces the evolution of anti-Israel extremism in Canada. (photo by Pat Johnson)
At times, the world seems to be going off the rails, with Canadian activists overtly cheering on terrorists and celebrating the atrocities of Oct. 7. But Terry Glavin, a BC writer and thinker with a lifetime of experience on the ground as a journalist in the Middle East, thinks a reckoning is coming.
Speaking with Rabbi Dan Moskovitz at Temple Sholom Synagogue Jan. 30, Glavin, who says he comes from the political left, sees “a very, very disturbing and destructive phenomenon in all of the places where the left used to be.”
Part of that is a consequence of a change in global dynamics.
“Where there was once a fairly robust sort of proletariat internationalism on the left, there was something that was emerging by the ’60s and ’70s that was kind of a Third Worldist, anti-Western substitution for a genuinely progressive working-class internationalism,” he said. “That has had enormous implications in the trajectory of human history – very disturbing implications.”
The socialist or communist ideal never took hold in the West and that sent proponents seeking a spark that could catch fire.
“The working class simply didn’t take up the offer of overthrowing the state and seizing the means of production,” said Glavin, “so a lot of people on the European left went looking for a new proletariat and found it in Third World revolutionaries. Sometimes that was actually a legitimate thing to do. But, in the context of the so-called Arab world, what has often as not occurred is that bonds of solidarity would be forged with some of the most reactionary, anti-liberal, anti-progressive, theocratic, fascistic movements.”
Lacking a coherent political ideology, the movement coalesced around “anti-imperialism,” whose unifying principle was simply sharing the same enemies.
“All you have to basically do is say ‘I’m against the Americans, I’m anti-imperialist,’ and you’re in,” Glavin said.
The collapse of the Soviet Union was disorienting to the left, which then discovered the politics of anti-globalization. This created more strange bedfellows, Glavin said, because denouncing the International Monetary Fund and the World Economic Forum had once been the purview of the right.
Then, after the 9/11 terror attacks, anti-globalism took a backseat to what its adherents called an “antiwar” movement. Glavin takes exception to the term, because he said it was not an antiwar movement so much as a movement that sided with the West’s enemies in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
“That’s a fairly serious charge to levy,” he said, “but organizationally and institutionally, that is actually a fact, in Canada particularly.”
A series of annual conferences in Cairo during the first decade of this century brought together global organizations including Canadian groups like Toronto Stop the War Coalition, the Canadian Peace Alliance, the Vancouver Coalition to Stop the War and others. In Cairo, they were joined by representatives of terror groups including Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. These ostensible antiwar groups, and these decidedly violent groups, developed a program that opposed “imperialism.” And, vilified above every evil was the perceived imperialism of Zionism.
“At its very birthing, at its very centre, was anti-Zionism,” Glavin said.
While most of these Canadian activists probably self-identified as leftists, they had made common cause with the descendants of history’s most extreme right.
“We sort of imagine that there was this horrible phenomenon of Nazism that consumed millions and millions and millions of people in a world war and then we won and then it was over,” he said. “People forget that the same philosophy, the same ideology, the same antisemitic hatreds, were spreading throughout the so-called Arab world, throughout the Maghreb and the Levant, and Iran as well, in the 1920s and 1930s. It persisted.”
Glavin explained the direct line from the Nazi collaborationist Arab leaders of the 1940s and successive decades of forces in the region that translate and promulgate Mein Kampf and keep the flame of fascism alive.
Despite this seeming ideological incongruity, Canadian activists returning from Cairo found some receptive audiences for particularly Canadian reasons. Canada is a decentralized, multicultural constitutional monarchy, post-nationalistic and less driven by a cohesive patriotic impulse than some other states, according to Glavin. These fluidities caused Canadians to search for an identity.
“We needed to find a way to figure out our place in the world,” he said.
Canadians were very engaged with the creation of the United Nations, including its Declaration of Human Rights. “So, the United Nations and its protocols have always significantly informed Canadian foreign policy,” he said. “If you vest your foreign-policy principles in an institution that, without anybody noticing for some reason, became largely a function of the police-state bloc and the Organization for the Islamic Conference, you’re going to find yourself in a bit of a spot.”
This may have created fertile soil for the sorts of ideas that these activists brought back from Cairo, he said. It may also explain why “Israel Apartheid Week,” a global anti-Israel phenomenon, began at the University of Toronto and why an anti-Israel boycott movement began in Canada three years before the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement was originated by Palestinians.
Meanwhile, as activists claimed to be advocating for peace in places like Afghanistan and Iraq, Glavin said they were instead often working at direct cross-purposes with those peoples’ self-defined interests. Such was the case, he argued, with those who opposed Canada’s engagement in Afghanistan.
“The Afghan left, the Afghan women’s movement, the Afghan student movement, Afghan intellectuals, poets, Afghan socialists, liberals, were all ‘troops in,’” he said. “All these white people in North America and Europe were all ‘troops out.’ Right away, that should tell you something. Something has been broken in the traditions of left-wing solidarity among and between working people around the world.”
Journalists Glavin knew in Afghanistan were baffled by Canadian activists.
“They would see another protest in Toronto,” he said, and they would ask: “Why would they do that to us?”
The left has to be held to account, Glavin said, naming the New Democratic Party specifically.
“Where the hell were you when this was happening? What were you saying when trade union leaders were meeting with Hezbollah, were meeting in Damascus with these blood-soaked tyrants? Where were you?” he asked. “The women of Afghanistan were begging – begging you – to stay with them, just hang on for a couple more years. [They were saying] ‘We’ve got an entire generation of young people coming up now, they’re graduating and they are going to be taking over, and you walk away from us? How could you do this?’”
All of these threads of ideological extremism came together with a particular fervour after Oct. 7, 2023, Glavin argued.
“Immediately, across this country, people were pouring into the streets celebrating the bloodiest pogrom since the time of the death camps,” he said.
This was new, Glavin noted. A couple of decades earlier, at the height of the antiwar movement, activists were not overtly championing the terrorists.
“You didn’t have hundreds and hundreds of people in the streets saying, ‘We are Al Qaeda, we support Al Qaeda, yay Al Qaeda,’” he said. “You have that now – people who are openly, enthusiastically, deliriously, hysterically praising Hamas. That’s different. Something big has changed. Something very big has happened.”
This has affected Canadian Jews severely.
“On Oct. 8, Canadian Jews just didn’t wake up to find that the fabric of the country had been kind of torn by this, but rather that something had been woven into the very fabric of the country itself,” he said.
As things have deteriorated to the point where clusters of Canadians are literally celebrating the mass murder of Jews, Glavin sees a ray of hope. By showing their true colours, these activists have made it more difficult for aware Canadians to ignore the extremism that has consumed parts of our society, including the anti-Israel left. He foresees a reckoning.
“I am optimistic,” he said, “because I do think that most normal people, on any number of fronts, have simply had enough.”
