The impact of Gazan tunnels

OMER GHRAIEB THE MEDIA LINE

The interdiction of a Gaza-bound flotilla by Israeli forces thrust the issue of the humanitarian situation facing Gaza’s citizens into the centre of the world’s attention.

Demonstrations have focused on the Israeli blockade imposed when Hamas forcibly took control of the area in 2007. Israel claims the embargo does not apply to humanitarian goods, including medicines, although Palestinians refute the Israeli claim. This has led Gazans to search for ways of getting around the blockade and to the development of a network of tunnels between Gaza and Egypt, which brings in everything from livestock and cigarettes to gas, weapons, cement and other building materials. To what extent has Gaza’s tunnel trade actually succeeded in breaking through Israel’s blockade, de facto ending any justifiable claims of a humanitarian crisis?

Historically, these tunnels have been used by Palestinian militant forces to hide and smuggle fighters, weapons, tools, secret messages, documents, as well as the wide array of goods mentioned above.

On the Egyptian end of the tunnels, there are multiple openings, so that if authorities shut one down, another can still be used. On the other side of the border, in the Palestinian city of Rafah, lies a stretch of barren land with nothing but piles of sand. This is the dangerous tunnel zone, where only tunnel workers dare go and a handful of journalists. Negotiating with the owners to gain access to the tunnels is a lengthy ordeal.

Approaching a bunch of well-tanned but frail boys in front of the tunnels, they give a cold “Salaam,” before quickly walking away to discuss privately how to respond. After some reassurance, they ease up a bit and start talking.

Most of the tunnel workers are between the ages of 15 to 29. They are young men who couldn’t complete their education or who must provide for their families. Normally only one to three workers are hired to dig an entire tunnel between Gaza and Egypt. Then there are the young men who earn a few dollars a day to transport goods, and those assigned by the tunnel owners to supervise the tunnel workers so that the owners don’t have to be on site.

The owners remain mysterious, with claims abounding that they have become very wealthy through the tunnel business, estimated by the Financial Times to be worth millions of dollars annually. People in Gaza gossip that these businessmen have mansions in Rafah, with the latest cars parked outside, and that no one can trespass on their property unless they personally know those living inside.

Critics argue that the Hamas government legitimizes the tunnel trade by granting licences for a fee. But Hamas spokesman Fawzi Barhoum refuted that claim.

“That’s completely untrue, we don’t give licences,” he said. “We decided not to take a position towards those owners, so we neither approve nor try to stop these owners from using or creating tunnels.”

Barhoum refuted the claim that Rafah is a rich city with an active economy. “That’s not true, because if it was, then this will widely spread into the whole of Gaza, leading to a refreshed economy and agriculture and we would have ended the siege, which is obviously not the case here, as you see.”

Tunnel workers say that the daily payment of a few dollars isn’t enough, especially for the risks they take. Many of their colleagues have died while working in the tunnels, and those interviewed said they hope to negotiate health insurance with their employers. The workers say they are like a family. “We are very close, especially when we all go through the tough conditions of our work’s nature,” one explained.

All of the workers interviewed stressed that the tunnels began as a result of the siege imposed on Gaza nearly four years ago. The workers did not deny that a limited quantity of cement enters the tunnels every now and then.

Joma’a Al Mallahi is a merchant that has been working in construction and building materials for many years. He corroborated that his business is much slower and smaller now than before the siege.

“Now only fractions of the quantity that we used to get before the siege enter, and everything is more expensive,” said Al Mallahi. “Gaza is witnessing a period of no building.”

Much of the building material he needs, he must get through the black-market tunnel system. “Some months we get no materials and some months it’s good enough for us to keep going,” said Al Mallahi, stressing that he wants the siege to end so that he may return to the days when business was flourishing.

Gravel is hard to find in Gaza, since it doesn’t enter through the tunnels or through Gaza’s commercial crossings. Merchants say it’s expensive since it is rarely found in Gaza, but they could not give an exact price. Cement, however, is imported into Gaza through tunnels. Each bag of cement is sold for 36 shekels; before the blockade, each bag went for 21 shekels.

Steel enters Gaza through commercial crossings, so there is no need for merchants to get it through the tunnels and the price hasn’t changed much as a result.

Glass also enters Gaza through commercial crossings, each metre costing 1.5 shekels. The price also hasn’t changed much since the siege. Smaller quantities are entering, but merchants say this is enough for the current demand.

Hamas says they’ve assigned a committee to supervise what enters the tunnels so that drugs do not get through. “Drugs are banned,” Barhoum said.

Barhoum denies that just anyone with the appropriate resources would be able to build a tunnel. “Hamas doesn’t try to interfere in the tunnel-building issue, but the previously mentioned committee has to have the names and number of tunnel owners,” he said. “I can assure you that they don’t belong to certain families, but [are] owned by individuals and businessmen.”

After conversing with the workers for some time, they began to show more trust, speaking more freely and some revealed their faces.

They spoke with pride about finding a way to breach Egypt’s steel wall, which was built, in part, to end the tunnel trade. “A heavy powerful torch is used to melt the steel,” said one of the men. “The process takes three weeks.”

But, do the workers want the siege on Gaza to end? After some angry stares and a private, yet heated discussion, one man comes forward. “I can’t imagine my life without this job, but I do want the siege to end because my country comes first and maybe after the siege ends I might be able to find a job.”

“I don’t want the siege to end,” another young boy shouted. “I support a family of 11. How will we manage to live if the siege ends and they closed the tunnels?”

Regarding claims from Israel, journalists and locals that Gaza is not in need of humanitarian aid, Hamas’ spokesman responded that evidence shows otherwise.

“These rumors are completely false and Gaza is in need of humanitarian aid, health aid and financial aid and economic aid while the unjust siege still continues. If you don’t want to hear Hamas, then get back to the Goldstone Report or Mrs. Karen Abu Zeid’s reports or the United Nations’ reports, which all assure that Gaza is in bad need of humanitarian aid.”

Abu Al Abed Hassaneyah is the owner of a series of supermarkets in Gaza. “To be honest with you, my business wasn’t and isn’t affected at all,” he said. “I still get most of the things I need, especially candies and food.... Gaza’s supermarkets only suffered for small periods where no products were allowed to enter Gaza, but now it’s much better and I have a full supermarket, as you can see.”

In response to observations that supermarkets and pharmacies are well stocked, Barhoum said that building materials and hospital supplies are not getting through.

“You can’t make a judgment according to a couple of supermarkets or pharmacies,” he said.

Some claim that Hamas puts cement and building materials entering Gaza through the tunnels in storage to then resell it later. The Israeli Intelligence and Terrorism Information Centre claims that Hamas uses several methods to obtain cement. According to them, Hamas manufactures construction materials, including cement and concrete, in closely supervised factories using locally available raw materials and makes use of construction materials by dismantling formerly populated Israeli buildings abandoned during the disengagement. They also maintain that Hamas hoards cement imported to Gaza as part of aid delivered by international organizations.

“No building materials enter from any tunnel, maybe a bag of cement enters every once and a while upon the request of a citizen who wants to repair his broken house,” said Barhoum. “The siege caused the closure of more than 3,500 building materials factories, which left [many] families jobless and Gaza with no building materials.

“We have been collecting the rubble of all bombed buildings in the Strip and tried to restore some of the police stations here,” he said. “As for new buildings, I have no idea about that.”

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